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i9i3] M. DANEV’S MISTAKES 179
make the party pay the greatest attention to the
advice of Russia and her representative. On the actual
day of Gueshov’s resignation, I went again to see
Malinov, revealed the situation as it had developed in
the past few days, told him about my recent
conversations with Gueshov and Danev, and expressed the hope
that he himself, if he did come into power, would begin
by approving of the Tsaribrod arrangement and would
hasten his own departure for St. Petersburg as much as
possible. Malinov, who at the moment was summoned
to the Palace by the King, reiterated his promise to
influence his friends in favour of an immediate and
reasonable decision.
Unfortunately the formation of a Radical Government
came to nothing. After two days of evasions and
procrastinations the King—under whose influence is not
quite clear, but most probably under that of Rizov, who
was very much agitated at this time and continually
engaged in conversation with the Austrian Minister—
decided to entrust the formation of the Cabinet to M.
Danev, in other words to leave the former Government
in power, but excluding Gueshov and two or three
of his political friends. But the King persuaded M.
Todorov to remain in the Cabinet, as well as his
brother-in-law, M. Madjarov. In this way the Government’s
link with the "Narodniak" party—the Conservatives of
the former Eastern Rumelia—was not severed; and in
the person of M. Todorov I was assured of a sincere
advocate, imbued with my ideas, in the bosom of the
Council.
But the direction of affairs of foreign policy belonged
more especially to M. Danev, and I noticed with
increasing anxiety that he, becoming daily more influenced
by Rizov and the military, was heaping mistake on
mistake and multiplying his tactless deeds, till his
patriotic petulance seemed bound to bring Bulgaria to
grief.
I have a very vivid recollection of one of my
conversations with Danev during the first days of his
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