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Footnotes 1379
both the family and the intimate social clique are determined principally by the class-
ways, that is, by the criteria of status in their ’fart of the society, {lbid,y p. 16.)
“For it is the members of the child’s and his family’s cliques who actually constitute
that ‘social environment’ of which we have talked so loosely, and which, we have said,
reinforces the child’s habits. Through the demands and pressures of the family and of
the clique, class learning is instilled and maintained.” (lbid,y p. 262.)
Actually, of course, there is a strong correlation between “social class” in Warner’s
sense, on the one hand, and income and occupation, on the other hand. One student has
taken the population of Yankee City, grouped by Warner into classes on the basis of his
information, and reclassified it according to Alba Edwards’ socio-economic census group-
ings. He found a high correlation between the two classifications. (Robert Dubin,
“Factors in the Variation of Urban Occupational Structure,” unpublished M.A. thesis,
The University of Chicago [1940].)
R. M. Maciver, Society: Its Structure and Changes (1931), p. 89.
William Archer, Through Afro-America (1910), pp. 234. if.
^^Autobiography of an Ex-Coloured Man (1927; first edition, 1912), pp. 75-76.
Johnson continues:
“It is a struggle; for though the black man fights passively, he nevertheless fights;
and his passive resistance is more effective at present than active resistance could possibly
be. He bears the fury of the storm as does the willow-tree.
“It is a struggle; for though the white man of the South may be too proud to admit
it, he is, nevertheless, using in the contest his best energies; he is devoting to it the
greater part of his thought and much of his endeavour. The South today stands panting
and almost breathless from its exertions.”
Robert R. Moton, What the Negro Thinks (1929), p. 8.
As this is being written the Negro press is still vibrating over the first lynching for
the year 1942, which occurred in Sikeston, Missouri, January 25.
The N.A.A.C.P. reports that: “White citizens in Sikeston will not testify against
each other in any prosecution for guilt in the lynching . . . and they use the threat of
a race riot to prevent further Investigation and publicity. . . .
“The make-up of the mob was described as being ‘just folks’ . . . The investigators
said: ‘We were given the definite impression that the lynchers would not be ostracized
by the community; on the other hand those who might testify against the lynchers
would be ostracized. . . .
“ ‘Young Prosecuting Attorney Blanton will hardly sacrifice both his career and
personal friends, by prosecuting those friends who elected him to office. Even the most
liberal of the planters said he would “not be inclined to testify,”
’
” (N.A.A.C.P.
Press Release [February 13, 1942], pp. 1-2.)
Although Governor Forrest C. Donnell of Missouri ordered an immediate investiga-
tion, and the Federal Bureau of Investigation sent their investigators into Sikeston, no
indictments were ever brought.
The way in which this solidarity on the white side elicits a corresponding solidarity
on’ the Negro side is beautifully illustrated in this case. Negro columnists are com-
plementing the American war slogan: “Remember Pearl Harbor” with the Negro slogan:
“Remember Sikeston.”
Davis, Gardner, and Gardner, of, cit.y pp. 48-49.
W. E. B. Du Bois, Dusk of Dawn (1940), pp. 130-151.
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