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(1944) [MARC] Author: Gunnar Myrdal
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Note: Gunnar Myrdal died in 1987, less than 70 years ago. Therefore, this work is protected by copyright, restricting your legal rights to reproduce it. However, you are welcome to view it on screen, as you do now. Read more about copyright.

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Chapter 28. The Basis of Social Inequality 587
it—so the popular theory runs. In using the danger of intermarriage as a
defense for the whole caste system, it is assumed both that Negro men have
a strong desire for ^‘intermarriage, and that white women would be open
to proposals from Negro men, if they are not guarded from even meeting
them on an equal plane. The latter assumption, of course, is never openly
expressed, but is logically implicit in the popular theory. The conclusion
follows that the whole system of segregation and discrimination is justi-
fied. Every single measure is defended as necessary to block “social
equality” which in its turn is held necessary to prevent “intermarriage.”^*
The basic role of the fear of amalgamation in white attitudes to the
race problem is indicated by the popular magical concept of “blood.”
Educated white Southerners, who know everything about modern genetic
and biological research, confess readily that they actually feel an irrational
or “instinctive” repugnance in thinking of “intermarriage.”® These meas-
ures of segregation and discrimination are often of the type found in the
true taboos and in the notion “not to be touched” of primitive religion.
The specific taboos are characterized, further, by a different degree of
excitement which attends their violation and a different degree of punish-
ment to the violator: the closer the act to sexual association, the more
furious is the public reaction. Sexual association itself is punished by death
and is accompanied by tremendous public excitement^ the other social
relations meet decreasing degrees of public fury. Sex becomes in this
popular theory the principle around which the whole structure of segre
gation of the Negroes—down to disfranchisement and denial of equal
opportunities on the labor market—^is organized. The reasoning is this:
“For, say what we will, may not all the equalities be ultimately based on
potential social equality, and that in turn on Intermarriage.’^ Here we reach
the real crux of the question.”*^ In cruder language, but with the same
logic, the Southern man on the street responds to any plea for social equal
ity; “Would you like to have your daughter marry a Negro
This theory of color caste centering around the aversion to amalga^
mation determines, as we have just observed, the white man’s rather
definite rank order of the various measures of segregation and discrimina-
tion against Negroes. The relative significance attached to each of those
measures is dependent upon their degree of expediency or necessity—^in
the view of white people—as means of upholding the ban on “intermar-
riage.”** In this rank order, (i) the ban on intermarriage and other sex
relations involving white women and colored men takes precedence before
everything else. It is the end for which the other restrictions are arranged
as means. Thereafter follow: (2) all sorts of taboos and etiquettes in
personal contacts 5 (3) segregation in schools and churches 5 (4) segregation
* See Chapter 4, Section 6.
^ See Chapter 3, Section 4.

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